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Property and War
There
has been considerable concern in recent years, expressed by many members
of Congress as well as the general public, about the growing imbalance
of power between the executive and legislative branches of government.
The executive branch seems increasingly willing to engage in acts of war
without a formal declaration of war by Congress, as provided by the
Constitution of the United States. The war in Kosovo was case in point.
The president had committed the United States armed forces to an
increasingly dangerous military conflict without a formal declaration of
war. The power to declare war is expressly vested in Congress by our
Constitution. How is it the executive branch is able to circumvent the
approval of the representatives of the American people for making war?
Many want an answer to this question.
The answer lies in
understanding a fundamental difference between free societies and
totalitarian societies. A free society is of necessity based on private
ownership of property. In other words in a free society the people own
the resource base; the land. All wealth derives from the land and by
extension the sea. A free society is maintained on the principle that
the people, not the government, own the wealth. A government of a people
who own and control the wealth of the nation is a government which must
come to the people for its operating budget. This funding of government
projects is accomplished through taxation of the people’s wealth. A
government which must come to the citizens for it’s operating budget
is a government which must listen to what the citizens have to say.
The
United States was founded on this very principle. When the common fund
lands, those lands generally to the west of the original thirteen states
and east of the Mississippi river, were conveyed to the federal
government by the states after the revolutionary war, they were conveyed
with strict restraints on their future disposition. Congress could only
sell these lands to actual settlers. The proceeds from these sales could
be used for only one purpose; to retire the revolutionary war debt.
Congress was strictly prohibited by the articles of conveyance from
retaining these lands as a federal asset or from using these lands as a
collateral base to secure a perpetual debt.
The
European bond holders who had financed the revolutionary war were
generally in favor of a policy which would secure the debt by a mortgage
on the western lands and resources of the new United States. This had
been a practice of long standing in Europe. It gave European banks and
financiers considerable control over the nations and peoples who’s
lands and resources they had thus encumbered. A paramount concern of the
people of the new nation, was to avoid being caught up in the political
and military conflicts of Europe which were largely caused by nations
borrowing against their land and natural resources to
wage war. Bankers could finance both sides of a conflict. Whichever
nation was victorious could find itself owing both debts plus interest
on the debt. If the debt was not paid, the creditor had access to the
wealth of natural resources which secured the debt. If a nation resisted
the creditors access to its mines, timber, crop lands, grazing lands and
fisheries, the creditor could finance another indebted nation to make
war on the recalcitrant mortgage.
Under the European monarchist system, the king was
the ultimate title holder of all land and resources. The individual
subject controlled land or natural resources on conditional privilege
from the crown. Consequently, if the crown determined to mortgage the
land of a subject to finance a foreign venture or internal project, the
subjects’ hold on the land could be lost if the crown defaulted on the
debt.
The founders of the United States constitutional form
of government were careful to create a system which would guard against
control of our natural resource wealth by foreign interests. They
created a system of government based on the principle of absolute
private ownership of the resource base. This they felt was the best
safeguard against the federal government ever gaining the power to act
independently against the will of the people.
For the first ninety years of the United States
existence, an effective effort was maintained to pay foreign debt rather
than collateralize debt. This policy was made possible by an ever
expanding frontier whose lands and resources could be sold to settlers
and entrepreneurs. By the end of the civil war, two basic factors in the
American equation had changed. Number one, the United States was faced
with their largest external debt ever, and number two, the arid far
western frontier consisted of a limited supply of lands which could be
sold for revenue under the existing land disposal laws.
A policy formally begun in 1866, eventually evolved into a system of
land disposal which was at once designed to allow collateralization
of debt while preventing an actual occupation of the land by foreign or
unwanted interests. The policy of split estate disposal of the West’s
mineral lands allowed settlement of the surface of these vast regions of
arid lands while retaining the mineral estate by the federal government
for separate disposal under the mining laws. This system of land
disposal not only made possible the collateralization of the outstanding
debt, it also gave the federal government a source of revenue
independent from direct taxes on the citizens of the United States. The
age of United States imperialism with it’s attendant deficit spending
had been born.
Throughout this period of transition in government policy from one of
government land disposal to the current policy of federal land retention
and confiscation, debt and deficit have grown correspondingly. Congress
and the courts exercised considerable constraint on debt accumulation
and private property confiscation for the sixty years following the
civil war. Congress and the courts stopped the "India Plan" of
the 1870’s, designed to collateralize transcontinental railroad debt
with western grazing lands and water. Congress and the courts defeated
essentially the same scheme marching under the name of reclamation, in
1890. The conservation movement, of the late nineteenth and early
twentieth centuries, accomplished the nationalization of vast areas of
the West and Alaska’s natural resources in the form of national parks,
national forests, national wildlife refuges, etc., but both Congress and
the courts fought to protect private interests in these lands so
nationalized.
By the nineteen sixties however, private property
confiscation had come into its own under the banner of environmentalism.
Ownership is defined as control of property rights. If government
controls the use of property through regulation, then government, for
all practical purposes, owns that property. What government owns it can
mortgage. Today, resource agencies of the federal government have become
the tools of the environmental movement. The environmental movement
performs the function of transferring land and natural resources from
private interests to government ownership and control under the guise of
protecting the environment. The environmental movement is primarily
funded by the same international financial interests who hold the major
portion of the U.S. treasury debt.
Congress and the courts over the past thirty years
have increasingly turned from their constitutional duty to protect the
property of the citizens and have increasingly passed the laws and
rendered the decisions which are making the wholesale plunder of the
people’s property possible.
A totalitarian form of government is premised on
government ownership of the wealth. If government owns or controls the
land and natural resources, in contravention of private property, it
controls the wealth. A government which has acquired sufficient
collateral base to fund its own initiatives through borrowing against
what once was the people’s
property, no longer has to listen to what
the people or the people’s elected representatives have to say;
whether it be the war in Kosovo or any other matter.
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