On a fine June day in 1990, the City of New York
dumped dirt on top of 2400-square feet of land used by Mrs. Soon Duck
Kim for a service station and car wash in Queens. The city needed the
dirt to support a roadway that it raised by four feet. Was Mrs. Kim
entitled to compensation for land that was buried? When Joseph Gazza was
denied a permit to build a home on Long Island by the New York
Department of Environmental Conservation, leaving his lot worthless in a
developed neighborhood in exclusive Quogh, Long Island, was he entitled
to compensation? And when the Town of Southampton, also on Long Island,
decided to condemn a lot owned by Dorothy Basile, was she entitled to
just compensation for the full fair market value of her property?
On February 18, 1997, the New York Court of Appeals,
that state’s highest court, said "no," "no," and
"no" to each of these landowners. In what has become a
distressing trend from courts across the nation, the promise to property
owners embodied in Lucas v. South Carolina Coastal Council has
been abandoned through a judicial sleight of hand. Unless the United
States Supreme Court acts, the rule of New York could undo the
protection that the Fifth Amendment provides to private property owners
against government abuse.
For years it had been the unequivocal holding of the
United States Supreme Court that, whenever the government physically
invades private property, say by dumping truckload after truckload of
dirt on it, it is an undisputed taking. Observers of the Court also
thought that the United States Supreme Court held in Lucas that,
when government denies a landowner the right to make economically
beneficial use of private property there has been a taking, and the
owner is entitled to just compensation. Thus when South Carolina passed
a statute forbidding David Lucas the right to build a home on his
property, which he had bought before the law was passed, the Court found
that so long as he had the right to build a home in the first place, he
was entitled to the land’s fair market value if the state denied
permission to build. The Supreme Court also recited the obvious
principle that a court in a regulatory takings case must first identify
the property right at issue. After all, the Court said, if a person does
not have a right in the first place to build a nuclear power plant on
the San Andreas fault, then that person is not entitled to just
compensation when government denies a permit to build the plant.
If Lucas is the law of the land, how can New
York get away with ignoring it? The answer is by the lawyerly art of
twisting the logic of the law like a pretzel. First, New York points out
that David Lucas bought his property before the law was passed
that prevented him from building. Second, New York’s lawyers note that
Lucas requires that the property right at issue be identified in
a takings case. This has led clever government attorneys in New York and
elsewhere to suggest that there is no property right in the
ability to use property in a manner that is contrary to a statute, local
zoning ordinance, or mere permit requirement that was adopted before
the current owner purchased the property.
In other words, suppose Mr. Jones owns several acres
in 1960. In 1970, a new wetlands law is passed and the property is
declared wetlands and unbuildable without a permit. Mr. Jones lacks the
money to apply for a permit, so he sells the property to Mrs. Smith in
1980. Mrs. Smith applies for a permit and it is denied in 1990. Can
she sue for a taking? According to the New York court, the answer is no,
only Mr. Jones could have sued for a taking. Thus when Mrs. Smith bought
the property in 1980 she did not buy the right to build in a manner
contrary to the then-existing regulations. Of course, Mr. Jones cannot
now sue either because (1) he no longer owns the property, (2) the
statute of limitations has run, and (3) the United States Supreme Court
has already held that it is nearly impossible ("an uphill
battle") to prevail in a takings case unless one first applies for
a permit (and one cannot apply for a permit to use property that has
already been sold to a third party.) The net result is that government
has acquired the development rights for nothing simply because the
original owner was not able to sue for a taking when the regulation was
passed.
In its February massacre of property rights, the New
York court turned first to Mrs. Kim. The court noted that in 1962 the
City of New York adopted an ordinance that said that property owners had
a duty of providing "lateral support" for city roads. This
seemed harmless enough as it has always been the law that property
owners cannot dig next to roads in a way that causes them to collapse.
But New York interprets this ordinance to place an affirmative duty on
landowners to actually provide the dirt to support a roadway that is
raised. Then, in 1978, the city filed a map somewhere in the local
Borough president’s office showing that it would raise the grade of
the road next to Mrs. Kim’s property by four feet. Mrs. Kim bought her
property in 1988. With this chronology in hand, the New York court was
able to find that Mrs. Kim never had a right to complain when the city
dumped dirt on 2400 square feet of her property. Nor, apparently, did
she have a right to complain when the City sent her a bill for the
dirt!
Having taken down Mrs. Kim, Joseph Gazza was an easy
target. He bought his lot after it had already been declared wetlands
and after the prior owner was not able to get a permit. Gazza applied
for another permit and sued when it was denied. But since he knew the
property was a wetland he had no right to sue for a taking even if the
entire economic value of the property was destroyed.
Mrs. Basile came last. She also bought her wetlands
lot after an ordinance was passed requiring an owner to get a permit
before developing on wetlands. The prior owner had also agreed in
writing that he would have to get permits before he could build. When
the town decided to condemn her property so it could be included in a
wildlife refuge, it reasoned that there was no way it would have ever
given Mrs. Basile a permit. Therefore the property was virtually
worthless, and certainly not worth the price of a developable lot. And
the New York court agreed that she was entitled to only a nominal amount
when the town condemned her property.
Fortunately, not every court that has considered this
issue has decided to bulldoze the Takings Clause. The Federal Circuit
Court of Appeals ruled in a case called Preseault v. United States
that just because the federal government began to regulate railroads in
the 1920s it did not mean that the owner of a railroad right of way was
not entitled to compensation when the United States turned the right of
way into a public hiking trail. A New Jersey court ruled that a
purchaser of property "steps into the shoes" of the prior
owner, meaning the new owner has the same right to sue for a regulatory
taking as the original owner. The Massachusetts Supreme Court has ruled
on both sides of the issue. And the Michigan Supreme Court is presently
hearing an appeal in a case where a developer won a lawsuit for a taking
when the state denied a wetland permit. The landowner was a family
corporation that acquired the land from family members who had purchased
it years before the regulations were adopted. The lower Michigan court
held that the "timing of the regulation and the transfer of the
land do not dictate that plaintiffs are not entitled to just
compensation."
If the New York rule were to prevail, owners of
regulated property would be in a terrible bind. They would be forced to
go through the trouble and expense of trying to develop their land just
so they wouldn’t lose the right to sue for a taking. Sales of
regulated property would evaporate as prospective purchasers began to
realize that there could be no relief if permits were denied. Neighbors
would have different rights in otherwise identical property, as those
who purchased before regulations were passed would have more rights than
those who purchased later. And because governments tend to pass new
regulations with the frequency of the tides, the government could
acquire some new property interest virtually every time property changes
hands.
As this article was going to press, the U.S. Supreme
Court on Monday, October 6th, refused to hear the appeal on all three
cases. This means that a regulatory nightmare will follow for property
owners in those states adopting the New York rule. However, until the
Supreme Court accepts its responsibility to enforce the Fifth Amendment
by taking up this issue, it is guaranteed that landowners will continue
to knock on the Court’s door.
Jim Burling is an attorney with Pacific Legal
Foundation, the nation’s largest and oldest public interest law firm
dedicated to preserving individual and economic liberties. Jim serves as
Director of Property Rights for the foundation.