IN THIS ISSUE:

An American Original: an interview with Wayne Hage

Rivers of Deceit
by David Howard

Invasion of the Birds
by Dan Byfield

Battered Communities
by Ron Arnold

Eye on the Courts: Hage v. United States
by Margaret Hage Gabbard

Eye on Congress

Founding Fathers: 
John Paul Jones

An American Original: Wayne Hage

Throughout American history, men of great character have risen to the cause of liberty, sacrificing their personal safety to ensure liberty for generations to come. After fighting a twelve year battle for his land with the federal land management agencies and national environmental organizations, Wayne Hage filed one of the most important cases of our time. Few have had the courage of their convictions to place everything on the line for our precious constitutional principles. Wayne Hage is such a man. Liberty Matters recently met with Wayne for this personal interview.

LM: You have a long history fighting for property rights, what were some of the first issues you worked on?

WH: When I was ranching in the state of California in the 60’s and 70’s, I was quite heavily involved in the California State Chamber of Commerce. I chaired a committee in the state chamber dealing with land use and taxation. At that time we were just starting to see the environmental movement rise to the forefront. I had the opportunity of sitting across the table with people who later became active in the environmental movement.

One of the things that probably drove home where the environmental movement was coming from, was Assembly Bill 10. AB 10 attempted to socialize all of California agriculture. It was an effort to take away all private property rights, put everything under the control of bureaucracy, and do away with any type of mechanized agriculture putting people back to using horse and ox power. We realized that behind this legislation was a very serious movement that had international backing. Our own people in the California Chamber and some of the conservative groups in California said that there was no way we could stop this bill. We did defeat that bill, and the way we beat it was to run another bill through the Senate which accomplished everything that the assembly bill purported to accomplish, but we did it from a private property perspective.

Dealing with that group in California more than 20 years ago gave me a taste of what the nation was in for. The environmental movement has nothing to do with the so-called protection of the environment, that was the window dressing, that was the issue used to take private property without compensation.

LM: From the moment you purchased Pine Creek Ranch, the federal government harassment began. Why do you think you were the target of their campaign?

WH: The issue that focused the federal government’s attack on myself came within about two months of purchasing Pine Creek Ranch in June of 1978. I got a call from two guys with the National Park Service who were visiting Tonopah. I met them at a local restaurant where they informed me that they were going to buy Pine Creek Ranch. They offered me about half of what I had just purchased the ranch for, so obviously we didn’t do business. When they saw that I wasn’t going to sell the place on their terms, the harassment began. The agencies work together, and the environmentalists pretty well dictate what goes on with the land management agencies such as the Forest Service, Bureau of Land Management, National Park Service and Corps of Engineers. After I refused to sell, the Forest Service began just common old harassment to increase the cost of operation so much for Pine Creek Ranch, that I would eventually be frozen out and they would get the ranch by default.

LM: Why did they target the Pine Creek Ranch property?

WH: Pine Creek Ranch is a very picturesque area, it has high mountains on two sides on the northern end. The home ranch headquarters is supposed to be one of the most remote spots in the contiguous 48 states. Also Pine Creek is a large source of fresh water in Central Nevada. The water that we use for stockwater and irrigation can gravity flow to Las Vegas or Los Angeles. It has a very high dollar value if used for domestic or municipal purposes in one of the large metropolitan areas. It has caused a lot of people to look somewhat covetously at the property.

LM: In 1991, the Forest Service confiscated your cattle armed with semi-automatic rifles and wearing bullet proof vests. How were you able to keep a cool head when they were obviously trying to provoke you?

WH: Well, the basic reason is a solid Christian grounding as far as an outlook on life. That is, make sure you keep your own house clean, obey the law and do what is right to the best of your ability. I also spent a little time in my earlier years working for the Forest Service and the Bureau of Land Management. I knew that part of their unwritten procedure in dealing with people is to provoke confrontations because one of the easiest ways, and one of the only lawful ways for a federal agency to come after an individual citizen, is if that citizen has in any way physically threatened them. So, when they are trying to create a situation that is adverse to the private citizen, they create confrontations and push people past the point of control to where they’ll do something that could be construed to be of a violent nature. Knowing that this is part of their practice, the strategy is don’t take the bate.

LM: When you and your wife Jean filed the takings case Hage v. United States, you

did something different and filed your case in the US Court of Federal Claims. What convinced you to take this step?

WH: One of the biggest insights of how to properly sue the federal government on property issues came from the environmentalists themselves. Back in the early 1980’s, the US was attempting to install a race track MX missile system. It was a massive project and would have included two-thirds of the State of Nevada, and portions of Idaho, Utah and California. The people most directly impacted were the ranchers and we happened to be right in the middle of it. A suit was brought, I wasn’t party to that suit, but I was on the board of litigation. The environmentalists were involved in the suit on the same side.

At a meeting in San Francisco I had an enlightening conversation with a legal researcher for the combined environmental movement. She told me, ‘you ranchers can stop the MX, you have property rights on that range and if you’d stand on that we environmentalists could paper the government to death and they would lose.’ I agreed with her and asked how she learned about this. She explained that the environmentalists thought all they needed to do to get rid of the ranchers was to get an Executive Order from some president who would be favorable to the environmental movement. When Carter was elected, they began drawing up an Executive Order and in researching the legalities involved found that the ranchers own those grazing allotments, that they are private property. I asked if she was afraid that we would use that information against them later on. She said she expected us to, but before we get that done, the environmentalists will have so many environmental regulations and rules laid on us that we’d all be broke.

The essence of that discussion confirmed for me that they knew what they were doing. I knew that any resolution of this issue had to be on the basis of property. When they come in at gun point and confiscate your livestock and tell you you can’t clean your irrigation ditches, that’s pretty plain that they’re telling you you can’t use your property. Obviously, we had a takings issue, a Fifth Amendment issue.

LM: Why are the principles in this case so important to you?

WH: It goes right to the basic premise of what constitutes a free society. There are no such things as civil liberties if you do not have private property and a force of law and justice to protect that private property. The founders of this nation knew that. The wise men over the ages who have helped structure free governments have known that. If we are going to give up on private property then that is another way of saying we are going to give up on civil liberties and surrender to the tyrants. We’re going to subject ourselves and our offspring to a future of slavery. In other words, a return to the same type of climate that existed throughout so much of the world and kept people in poverty and bondage and despair prior to the establishment of free government in the western world in recent centuries. If you’re going to stand back and let people violate with impunity, the basic premise of private property, then we may as well throw in the towel on the rest of our civil liberties because it’s not a matter of if, it’s only a matter of when are we going to lose the rest of them. If a person’s cattle on his own range allotment isn’t safe, if his own ditches and water rights aren’t safe, if his patented private property is not safe, and if they can take those things at gun point, well then certainly they can take anything else they want at gun point. They can take your stock and bond portfolio, they can take your bank account, whatever other type of property you might have.

LM: How have you been able to gather the support for the case?

WH: Right from the beginning there were people who jumped on board, people who well understood what the implications were, what was going to be lost if we didn’t successfully fight it and what was going to be won if we did. Many have stayed with us over the seven years that we’ve been in court. But we didn’t get the support of the Livestock and Agricultural organizations that you would normally think would stand behind us. All the government has to do is suggest to one of the officials in those organizations that if they support that Hage case then maybe they’ll find endangered species on their range next, or maybe they’ll find a wetlands on their farm, or maybe their crop subsidies will be jeopardized. If it hadn’t been for the people at Stewards of the Range, we would have been left high and dry with no support for the case.

LM: Since the filing of the case, the federal government has applied a tremendous amount of pressure on you to drop this action. What has kept you in this fight, when it would have been much easier to walk away?

WH: We are not fighting over whether I personally end up owning Pine Creek Ranch or I don’t. That’s not the issue. The broad issue is whether me, my children, my friends, my acquaintances, my fellow countrymen are going to be able to see a free society in the future. When you begin to look at it in the broad perspective and see what the implications are if you let government go uncontrolled, government will become a thief, government will become a destroyer of free society and the people themselves. All we have to do is go back to the debates on the Constitution where the founders of this country hammered on this theme continuously, that it was essential for whatever kind of a central government we had that we bind it with the chains of the Constitution. What has happened in recent generations is people have willingly loosened those chains. Now we have a monster on the loose. Some of us are working diligently to try and get the chains back on which has been the thrust with this litigation. But until we get government back in control, nobody’s property is safe, nobody’s freedom is safe.

LM: Why do you think our nation is facing this Constitutional crisis and what can people do about it?

WH: The reason we’re facing this constitutional crisis is because the people of the nation as a whole have forgotten the basic premises upon which the Constitution was based. This country was founded on basic Christian principles. It was founded on the concept that under God, people are sovereign in their own right. So, we structured the Constitutional form of government under the common law, the common law being an expression of the ten commandments. A person was free to do anything they wanted to do—they could succeed, they could fail, they could do whatever they wanted to do in life as long as they didn’t infringe the life, liberty, or pursuit of happiness of someone else.

John Adams pointed out that the Constitution was created for a moral people. That it would not be effective if we some day became an immoral nation. In the beginning, we had a country that acknowledged in all of its institutions the basic Christian background. We have gone from that point to where we have laws on the books that purge any resemblance of Christianity from our public institutions. We have replaced the Christian philosophy with the philosophy of Fredrick Nietzsche which is basically situational ethics — God is dead. As long as you can get away with it it’s not wrong, there are no absolutes, it’s simply just another shade of gray. When you really carry situational ethics to it’s ultimate, you have the classic criminal mentality. A society which embraces this philosophy is no longer capable of being the guardians the Constitution required to maintain that free society.

LM: What impact is the case having on the environmental agenda?

WH: As people begin to understand this case, they also begin to understand the corruptness and the depth of criminality that exists in the environmental movement. It demonstrates that the environmental movement has nothing to do with the protection of the environment but has everything to do with the destruction of private property rights. This case bears that out so vividly that the more people are exposed to it, the more that fringe area around the environmental movement comes back and in some cases becomes very strong supporters.

LM: Do you consider your cause to be anti-government?

WH: I’m not anti-government. In fact I’m one of the strongest advocates of government there is. That’s why I work to expose this environmental agenda, which is anti- government. The end result of their agenda is anarchy and chaos and the destruction of any form of effective government. The environmental agenda flies in the face of the common law that was given to this people when this nation was founded. The environmental movement has worked over time to destroy and undermine the very precepts of government in which this nation had its origins and thrived so effectively for so many years. I’m fighting those anti government people in the environmental movement.

LM: What advice would you give to a landowner facing the same challenges to their property rights that you have faced?

WH: The basic advice that I would give anybody facing a challenge from government taking, regulatory or physical, is number one, exhaust your administrative remedies the most effective way that you can and if that sounds complicated, let me make it simple. Do not enter into the argument over rules and regulations. Concede up front that if the government wants to make rules and regulations that’s their business. Your argument needs to be what that government action is doing to your property and the value of your property. Keep your arguments simple and keep it dealing strictly with property and value. Refuse to get dragged into the trap about wetlands, endangered species, or any of the other issues that they try to sidetrack you with and eventually get you into Federal District Court. If a person will follow that track, they can exhaust their administrative remedies most effectively, they can do it in the most cost effective manner and it puts them in a very strong position when they go into the U.S. Court of Claims.