Inhofe
voices doubts about Law of the Sea treaty
Andrew Freedman,
Environment & Energy Daily
reporter
The U.N. Convention on the Law of
the Sea is not sailing swiftly toward ratification, despite the unanimous
approval of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee last month.
The debate over the treaty is
pitting the unusual pairing of the Bush administration and environmentalists,
who both argue ratification is necessary to protect U.S.
shipping, environmental and deep sea mining interests, against conservatives
who are wary of giving up authority to the United Nations. Because the treaty
addresses environmental issues as well as international shipping and
navigation, it falls under the jurisdiction of numerous committees from
Environment and Public Works to Armed Services.
The EPW Committee held a hearing on
the treaty yesterday and according to Amy Call, spokeswoman for Senate Majority
Leader Bill Frist (R-Tenn.), the Armed Services and Intelligence panels are
also planning to hold hearings before Frist will consider calling the treaty
for a vote.
"The Senate calendar is tight this
year," Call said. "It is unclear when it is going to come to the floor." She
added that controversial pieces of legislation are likely to be put off until
next year.
That would be too late for the
United
States to have input in
treaty amendments, which will be debated beginning in November. According to
experts, decisions made then could negatively affect U.S.
shipping and mining interests.
The treaty provides for a
comprehensive framework of ocean management and has been described by many as a
"constitution for the oceans." It delineates offshore jurisdictions, including
a 200 mile exclusive economic zone which countries can manage at their
discretion, and outlines a comprehensive marine protection program including
requirements for marine environmental assessments and enforcement of species
protection measures. It would allow countries to apply to extract natural
resources outside the 200 mile limit.
The treaty also includes provisions
requiring countries to address ocean dumping and vessel pollution as well as
pollution from offshore activities. And it requires countries to conserve and
maintain fish stocks within the exclusive economic zones, conserve highly
migratory fish species and marine mammals, and sets out regulations governing
navigation and over flight in territorial waters and international straights.
As originally written, the treaty
would have set up a centralized decisionmaking body governing offshore
exploration. The United
States and other developed
countries would have had the same influence as developing countries on this
panel, a provision opposed by many U.S.
lawmakers. U.S.
officials also objected to the deep seabed development provisions on the
grounds that they were incompatible with free-market principles.
The Law of the Sea was modified in
1994 to give the United
States and other countries
with major offshore economic interests more influence over deep seabed mining
decisions. The agreement also requires additional analysis of environmental
impacts of deep seabed mining.
To date, 145 countries have
ratified the Law of the Sea, and both the Pew Oceans Commission and the U.S.
Commission on Ocean Policy have recommended immediate ratification (E&E
Daily, Feb. 12).
Inhofe not ready
to jump on board
In contrast to the warm reception
the treaty received in the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, Senate EPW
Committee Chairman James Inhofe (R-Okla.) voiced concern at yesterday's hearing
that the treaty could cede too much power to the United Nations and undermine
the Bush administration's antiterrorism initiative involving shipboard
inspections.
Inhofe criticized the Foreign
Relations Committee for allegedly stacking the witness lists at their two
hearings with treaty supporters, and he called three treaty opponents to offer
their views.
The skeptics questioned whether the
United
States will have
sufficient clout within the seabed mining authority. Frank Gaffney, president
of the Center for Security Policy, called the authority a "supra-national
international organization" comprised of "unaccountable, unelected
bureaucrats." He said it could function much like the U.N. General Assembly
where the United
States is frequently
outvoted.
Bernard Oxman, a
University of
Miami law
professor, countered that treaty rules state the council requires unanimity to
act, giving the United
States veto power.
Inhofe also questioned whether
joining the convention would require the United States to bring its
environmental laws in line with the 145 other nations and pass legislation to
regulate carbon dioxide, for example. John Turner, who leads the State
Department's Bureau of Oceans and International Environmental and Scientific
Affairs, said the treaty requires only that participants have
pollution-reduction measures in place, and no new laws would be required. "We
feel it embraces our sovereignty," Turner said.
Ratification proponents say the
treaty is necessary to protect U.S.
national interests, such as securing rights to explore deep sea areas for
natural resources. Turner said decisions on seabed mining rights and navigation
rights that could go against the United
States will be made by
parties to the convention starting in November. "The U.S. must
be at the table," he said.
Turner also dispelled recent rumors
that the administration is backing away from the treaty due to opposition from
conservatives. "The administration strongly recommends the Senate give its
advice and consent," he said.
Gaffney said it is unclear if the
treaty before the Senate truly reflects the 1994 modifications, but those
changes have been sufficient to earn the support of Senate Appropriations
Committee Chairman Ted Stevens (R-Alaska). Stevens, who monitored the treaty
negotiations more than 30 years ago, testified that he initially opposed
ratification but is now satisfied that "it does protect American interests."
Fellow Alaskan Republican Sen. Lisa
Murkowski said she supports the treaty because it would allow the
United
States to push for
developing deep seabed natural resources and help protect U.S.
fisheries. She said Russia has
already requested rights with the United Nations for 45 percent of the
Arctic
Ocean seabed, and failure to ratify
would leave the United
States out of those
negotiations.
The major national security concern
is that the treaty could undermine the Proliferation Security Initiative, which
is a coalition of U.S.-led countries which are committed to disrupting trade in
weapons of mass destruction by interdicting vessels in their territory or
territorial waters.
Gaffney said China is
already claiming the convention invalidates PSI because it limits the authority
to intercept and board ships on the high seas. Inhofe and Gaffney's worries are
not shared by the Pentagon, which supports ratification on the grounds that it
would strengthen PSI by codifying navigation rights on the high seas.
In a statement for reporters,
Foreign Relations Committee Chairman Richard Lugar (R-Ind.) cited a letter by
Adm. Vern Clark, chief of Naval Operations, who wrote: "The convention supports
U.S.
efforts in the war on terrorism by providing important stability and codifying
navigational and over flight freedoms, while leaving unaffected intelligence
collection activities."
"Only ideological distrust of
treaties in general, and a misguided belief that we might be better as a
free-rider than as an active leader in oceans policy, have kept us out of an
agreement that serves our national interest and improves our security," Lugar
said.
Inhofe said further examination is
warranted. "The argument that we should do this because everybody else is doing
it always scares me," he said.