August 6,
2004
Razing Objections
A court rediscovers property rights
in the rubble of Poletown
Jacob Sullum <mailto:jsullum@reason.com> Just before dawn on July 14, 1981, Detroit police
hooked a tow truck to the basement door of the Immaculate Conception Church
on Trombly Street and tore it off its hinges. They stormed in and arrested a
dozen parishioners who were making a desperate, doomed attempt to save part
of their neighborhood from an assault by an unbeatable alliance of big
government, big business, and big labor.
This was the last stand in
the battle over Poletown, a lower-middle-class, racially integrated
neighborhood of Detroit that was razed at the behest of General Motors more
than two decades ago. To make room for a G.M. assembly plant, the city
cleared 465 acres, incidentally destroying some 1,400 homes, about 140
businesses, and several churches.
In a shameful capitulation, the
Michigan Supreme Court approved <http://www.law.berkeley.edu/faculty/rubinfeldd/LS145/poletown.html> Poletown's demolition as a legitimate exercise
of the city's eminent domain powers. It accepted the argument that the jobs
and tax revenue the G.M. plant was expected to bring rendered it a "public
use," as required by the Michigan constitution (as well as other state
constitutions and the U.S. Constitution).
Last month the court
finally acknowledged that its ruling in Poletown Neighborhood Council v.
City of Detroit was a mistake that opened the door to the potentially
unlimited expropriation of private property in the name of the greater good.
While considering an attempt by Wayne County to seize land for a 1,300-acre
"business and technology park," the court's seven judges unanimously
overruled <http://courts.michigan.gov/supremecourt/Clerk/Opinions-03-04-Term/124070.pd f> the Poletown decision.
"Poletown's
'economic benefit' rationale would validate practically any exercise of the
power of eminent domain on behalf of a private entity," the court noted. "If
one's ownership of private property is forever subject to the government's
determination that another private party would put one's land to better use,
then the ownership of real property is perpetually threatened by the
expansion plans of any large discount retailer, 'megastore,' or the like."
Then-Justice James L. Ryan, who dissented from the Poletown decision,
said much the same thing in 1981, warning that the ruling "seriously
jeopardized the security of all private property ownership." A lot of damage
has been done since then, both in Michigan and in other states where courts
have copied Poletown's reasoning.
The Rev. Joseph Karasiewicz,
pastor of Poletown's Immaculate Conception Church, was prescient when he
explained to The Washington Post why he was resisting G.M.'s
government-backed invasion. "This is an evil law and we have to fight it,"
he said of the statute that authorized condemnation of the neighborhood.
"You can't establish some type of crooked law and then say you did it
legally. This has national implications and national scope. It sets a bad
precedent."
In the wake of Poletown, courts across the country have
endorsed forced transfers <http://www.ij.org/publications/castle/> of land from its rightful owners to people
with more political clout-from homeowners to condominium developers, from
small businesses to large businesses, from churches to retailers. Last fall
the Nevada Supreme Court cited Poletown in upholding <http://www.lewrockwell.com/orig2/french6.html> the condemnation of land to be used for
casino parking in Las Vegas.
"Poletown was the first major case
allowing condemnations of areas in the name of jobs and taxes,"
explains <http://www.ij.org/media/private_property/michigan/> Institute for Justice attorney Dana
Berliner, who co-authored a brief <http://www.ij.org/PDF_folder/property_rights/MI_Hathcock_Amicus_Brief.pdf> urging repudiation of the decision. "It is cited
in every property textbook in the country."
An aspect of the
decision that was intended as a safeguard-a requirement that a project's
economic benefit be "clear and significant"-has had a perverse impact,
encouraging larger seizures of land and hyperbolic predictions about jobs
and revenue. Even in Poletown, employment at the heavily subsidized G.M.
plant fell far short of the 6,000 jobs the company promised.
In the
case that prompted the Michigan Supreme Court to reconsider Poletown, Wayne
County predicted "thousands of jobs," "tens of millions of dollars in tax
revenue," a broader tax base, and "accelerated economic growth." But if the
project failed to deliver those results, no one would be accountable.
Such projections are, in any case, beside the point. "It's the
principle of the thing," Poletown resident Kris Biernacki told The
Washington Post in 1981. "I think the whole thing stinks. I just don't
believe it happened. It's breathtaking. We didn't have a voice in it-not a
voice. We didn't want to move. We were literally forced to move out. We were
just told to go."
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