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Congress Moves To Close Land To Development
By Jim Carlton Wall Street
Journal September 24, 2007
The Democratic-controlled Congress, stepping up a push that
gained little ground when Republicans were in the majority, is on the verge of
walling off as many as three millions more acres of the nation's wilderness
from commercial and recreational development.
Lawmakers are moving to designate nearly as much land as
wilderness area over the next year as they did during the Republican Party's
recent 12-year tenure in the leadership. During that period, which ended last
year, some of the party's more conservative members held key congressional
posts, and blocked efforts to add much to the 107 million acres nationwide
officially considered wilderness.
By declaring vast swaths of undeveloped land from Virginia
to Oregon as wilderness areas, the current flurry of bills would close them to
the timber, oil and mining industries. Although few of the often-remote areas
involved are at active risk of development, some of them contain commercially
valuable timber and others, such as the wild canyon lands of Utah, could harbor
reserves of natural gas.
As a result, the bills are provoking bitter complaints from
some business interests including the oil industry. They also face opposition
from property-rights advocates and users of off-road vehicles, such as
snowmobiles, which are barred from wilderness areas.
But many of the bills enjoy strong bipartisan support in the
states affected and so are nearly certain to become law. Some even passed the
Senate under Republican rule, and had the votes to pass the Republican House,
but repeatedly were blocked by a powerful prodevelopment committee chairman who
lost his seat in the 2006 election.
The Bush administration hasn't taken a formal position on
the pending wilderness measures. But White House and congressional aides say
bills with local Republican support, which many of them have, would be likely
to win President Bush's signature.
Some of the more politically contentious bills, however, are
unlikely to see congressional action. Earlier this year, a bill was introduced
in the Senate to designate the oil-rich coastal plain of Alaska's Arctic
National Wildlife Refuge as wilderness to safeguard it from energy exploration.
But Senate aides say oil exploration in ANWR is such a hot-button issue that
the bill is expected to go nowhere.
In all, about a dozen bills involving wilderness designation
or some other form of permanent protection from development are in the pipeline
in the House and Senate, with as many as three million acres at stake. That
compares with the 3.5 million acres that won similar status between 1994 and
2006, according to Wilderness.net, a partnership of academics and conservation
groups. All the new land in question is national forest or other U.S.
property.
"It's almost like the floodgates have opened," says Myke
Bybee, a lobbyist for the Sierra Club, the San Francisco-based environmental
group that has been pushing for many of the wilderness proposals.
Democrats have tended to support more environmental
legislation in recent years than their Republican counterparts. And with fears
about global warming, many Democrats see environmental issues like wilderness
as part of a platform that can help them cement their control of Congress and
perhaps even retake the White House. "The environment has been, is and always
will be a top priority for Democrats," says Bill Wicker, spokesman for the
Senate Energy and Natural Resources Committee.
But more so than for many other environmental issues,
there's strong bipartisan support for wilderness preservation among both voters
and politicians. Among the pending measures, Virginia's Republican Sen. John
Warner, Democratic Sen. Jim Webb and Democratic Rep. Rick Boucher have
introduced the Virginia Ridge and Valley Act. The bill would protect from
development nearly 43,000 acres of forest in the Blue Ridge Mountains as
wilderness.
Other bills likely to be passed during the current Congress
include Wild Sky, designating 107,000 acres of wilderness in the Cascade
Mountains outside of Seattle. Another bill, affecting Oregon, would add 128,000
acres of wilderness on Mount Hood and in the nearby Columbia River Gorge; that
measure is pending in the Senate.
Yet another bill calls for barring development on almost all
265,770 acres of Colorado's Rocky Mountain National Park. That bill, which is
pending in the Senate and has bipartisan support in Colorado, has been hung up
in Washington since 1996. More-stringent use restrictions apply to wilderness
lands than to national parks. Many national parks include roads, buildings,
lodges and other amenities for park visitors, none of which are permitted in
wilderness areas.
Larger wilderness bills are in the works, too. Republican
Sen. Mike Crapo of Idaho, for instance, has introduced a bill that would
classify 517,000 acres of wilderness in his home state.
Other bills are expected to be introduced soon. Two that
apply to California, for example, could sequester several hundred thousand
acres. Senate staffers also say discussions are under way in Utah that could
result in a wilderness bill protecting as many as a million acres of pristine
canyon lands from development under a compromise with the state's Republican
delegation. Environmentalists have been pushing for a much larger area of
almost 10 million acres.
But fierce opposition to wilderness designations remains.
"The problem with wilderness designations is that there's no recreational
access unless you can hike up there," says Greg Mumm, executive director of the
Blue Ribbon Coalition, a Pocatello, Idaho-based group representing
all-terrain-vehicle riders and other recreation users. "It's good for only one
elite demographic."
Officials of the Independent Petroleum Association of
America, meanwhile, say they are troubled that so much wilderness is being
proposed at one time because potential energy reserves might be closed off. "It
has now become part of the environmental activists' playbook to reduce access
to almost all federal lands that could safely produce American energy
supplies," says Dan Naatz, a vice president for the Washington, D.C., trade
group.
Lobbying by such groups has been partly responsible for
blocking passage of wilderness bills for much of the period since Republicans
took control of Congress in 1994. In the 12 years prior to the Republican
takeover, a Democratic-controlled Congress added 23 million acres of wilderness
area -- nearly a quarter of the current total.
Getting land designated as wilderness got tougher in 2003,
when California rancher Richard Pombo was elected chairman of the House
Resources Committee. A staunch property-rights advocate, he kept most
wilderness bills bottled up during most of the four years he ran the committee.
"We called him our gatekeeper," says Dave Hurwitz, chairman of the Snowmobile
Alliance of Western States, a Kalama, Wash.-based group representing snowmobile
riders, which opposes nearly all new wilderness proposals.
One of the bills Mr. Pombo kept on the shelf was Wild Sky,
which was introduced in 2002 by two Washington state Democrats, Sen. Patty
Murray and Rep. Rick Larsen.
Situated in the Mount Baker-Snoqualmie National Forest, Wild
Sky is different from many other proposed wilderness areas. It is located in
the backyard of a major metropolitan area, just 90 minutes from downtown
Seattle. And it would include parts of a forest that had been logged, but has
since regrown. Most other wildernesses are drawn around lands that have been
virtually untouched by industrial activity.
Wild Sky has been less contentious than many other
wilderness proposals. With peaks that rise 6,000 feet almost from sea level,
much of the higher terrain has remained inaccessible to logging. Its
lower-elevation forests, meanwhile, were shielded from logging by local
activists. Some groves were so intact they harbored immense Western red cedars
estimated at 700 years old.
Although the idea of designating Wild Sky as wilderness has
enjoyed broad support in the state, it hasn't been unanimous. Snowmobile
enthusiasts, in particular, expressed concern that some areas they like to ride
in would be sealed off. With few exceptions, the Wilderness Act of 1964
prohibits the use of motorized or mechanized vehicles in a designated
wilderness area.
To help reduce opposition to Wild Sky, Sen. Murray and Rep.
Larsen agreed to remove from the bill more than 10,000 acres of land where
pack-horse groups, snowmobilers and other forest users complained the new rules
would restrict them. The strategy worked; the Washington State Snowmobile
Association agreed not to oppose the bill after a popular riding area called
Windy Ridge was taken out.
Wild Sky passed in the Senate three times between 2002 and
2006 and had wide support in the House. But Mr. Pombo wouldn't let it out of
his committee for a full vote. The reason: He wanted the roughly 15,000 acres
of previously logged forest left out because he didn't think it qualified as
wilderness. Rep. Larsen and Sen. Murray argued it did because the logging took
place decades ago and the forest had grown back as lush as before.
"They said all or nothing, so I said, 'Fine, forget it,'"
Mr. Pombo said in a 2005 interview with The Wall Street Journal. Mr. Pombo, who
is now a partner at a Washington, D.C., lobbying firm, didn't return calls
seeking comment.
The seven-term Mr. Pombo was defeated last year by
Democratic challenger Jerry McNerney, whose campaign received backing from
national environmental groups. Mr. Pombo's old committee, now named the House
Committee on Natural Resources, is chaired by West Virginia Democrat Nick
Rahall.
Soon after the new Democrat-controlled 110th Congress
convened early this year, Sen. Murray and Rep. Larsen re-introduced their Wild
Sky bill. It passed in the House in April, and also cleared the Senate Energy
and Natural Resources Committee. Wild Sky is expected to be the first of the
new wilderness bills approved by Congress, with full Senate passage expected as
early as the next few weeks, say staffers of the Senate Energy Committee.
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